Part 1 Hindutva As a Dominant Class Project
It was in this context of general ‘prosperity’, between roughly 1985 and 1992, that the Hindutva organisations undertook an incredibly rapid mass expansion. In 1984, the Sangh Parivar was still a relatively marginal entity, riding on the dying halo of the JP movement. By 1992, it could stake a credible claim to being India’s largest organised political force (7), and the spectre of fascism was haunting the country. Such an extraordinary growth is unmatched by any other political force in independent India’s history.
In itself, this historical conjuncture should make one doubt theories that seek to explain Hindutva as a “distraction” from the “distress” of the working class. Nor is it a response to a crisis of capitalism, as is sometimes argued by analogy with theories of classical European fascism. On the face of it, the economic evidence shows neither crisis nor an absolute increase in distress among the poor or the working class. Indeed, it shows the opposite. The rise of the Sangh hence cannot be reduced to, or simply read off from, the prevailing economic circumstances.
Such an explanation however requires a shift in emphasis from analyses of Hindutva as a predominantlycultural-ideological phenomenon, which has been the most common approach taken by its opponents. Such analyses focus on the ideological aspects of “Hindu nationalism”, approaching it by asking questions regarding the appeal of such reactionary chauvinism in this political conjuncture. This helps analyse the mass appeal of Hindutva, and also provides ammunition to counter its propaganda and hate politics. But it does not necessarily completely explain the actual growth of the Sangh Parivar. The Sangh Parivar is not merely a vehicle of Hindu chauvinism – it is the most successful political organisation in India today. Its expansion has been the result of conscious political action, not merely automatic or unconscious cultural propagation. Indeed, the Parivar is an excellent example of a “totalitarian party”, in the Gramscian sense explored above. The growth of Hindutva is inseparable from the growth of the Parivar as an organisation.
From this angle, the Sangh has to be analysed as a party. It is necessary to look the manner in which the Parivar translates the dominant class interests that it projects into “universal” interests of other social sectors. This question turns also crucially on the manner in which the Sangh organises itself, for it is through such operations – as argued below – that it projects its actions as a response to social contradictions. This approach neither replaces nor negates the importance of deconstructing the hate politics of Hindutva; rather, it aims to complement it.
The Appeal of the Sangh Parivar to Dominant Class Interests From the days of the Jan Sangh until the early 1980s, the Sangh Parivar had a relatively clearly defined mass base. The Jan Sangh, and then the BJP, was described as the “brahmin-baniya party”, with little following in rural areas and an inability to capture either the support of urban elites or the working class. Its party positions were a fairly direct reflection of the class position of its supporters, mainly members of the trading class. It favoured external protectionism and internal trade liberalisation, reflecting its members’ interests in unfettered access to domestic markets combined with restrictions on international competition. It opposed trade unions and workers’ struggles and promoted reactionary and jingoistic nationalism. In this sense it was indeed a “petty bourgeois” party in the usual sense. Outside the party, the Sangh Parivar had established most of its current front organisations by the early 1960s, but they remained small.
The Parivar underwent its first wave of post independence growth, both in membership and in stature, during the JP movement, sharing in the popular anti-Emergency sentiment. But it was only in the 1980s that it truly emerged to become a major political force among the country’s elite and big capital. Simultaneously, and primarily through the Ayodhya movement, it grew into a huge mass force.
At this time, there were some obvious benefits to capital in supporting Hindutva mobilisation. Many of these have already been discussed extensively in the literature. Ideologically, Hindutva was an antidote to the “subaltern” mobilisations of Mandal and the regional parties. It delegitimised class and caste struggle and instead promoted notions of “harmony.” It is in this sense that Corbridge and Harriss (2000) have identified Hindutva as an “elite revolt” against the other mobilisations. However, there is arguably a further element in the appeal that the Sangh Parivar enjoyed among the ruling class bloc – one which was specifically important in this time. The other movements of the time projected a politics of “communities” competing for state resources and control of the state machinery. Such politics had the effect, at the national level, of further contesting and undermining any effort at individualisation in the Indian polity. It explicitly foregrounded the notion that the polity of the country was a fractured one, built not around identical monads finding their unity in the state, but on contesting, frequently internally divided communities. In this manner it was indeed a class contestation – though a partial and contradictory one – rooted in the particular positions of petty commodity producers.
This was not a threat to Indian capital as such. As said earlier, individualisation has been a contested process throughout India’s recent history, and moreover petty commodity production – and the ideological systems associated with it – is a fundamental feature of Indian capitalism. Yet, it is arguable that the particular type of contestation witnessed in the 1980s was seen as a challenge. It was during this period, particularly the second half of the decade, that big capital in India had begun to push for opportunities to expand into new markets. The “reforms” of the mid 1980s served precisely this purpose. But, the contestation of individualisation embodied in the other movements of this decade threatened the coherence of the national state, whose active intervention was increasingly vital for such “reforms.” Indeed, these movements demanded precisely the kind of state action that capital increasingly found anathema – increased segmentation of markets, dictation of state spending by democratic politics and state interference in decisions by private capitalists. Finally, expansion by capital in this period also depended on cultural-ideological factors such as a common understanding of unified markets and commodity exchange in rural areas. This was an understanding that was lacking at the time (Rajagopal 1999), and was directly threatened by the promotion of community identities.
It is in this context that a much deeper appeal of Hindutva becomes apparent. To see this, let us examine some of the internal elements of Hindutva ideology, and in particular its approach to its own cadre and supporters. This approach is in no sense limited to merely anti-minority hate politics. Rather, it contains a very specific concept of the relationship between individual, society and state, an approach that is of particular interest in light of the prevailing political situation. Some of the key elements of this are as follows:
- Reduction of social processes to individual choice: Like most organicist ideologies (and in a strong parallel to Gandhianism), Hindutva reduces social developments to questions of individual choice. Thus the Parivar aims to solve Hindu society’s problems by inculcating ‘correct values’ in upper caste men, as exemplified by M.S. Golwalkar’s declaration that “there is a ‘crisis of character’ in our country”; social problems are due to individuals’ “demoniac ways” (Golwalkar 1979). Other Sangh Parivar leaders have made countless similar statements. The remaking of society depends on whether every person can be made a “good Hindu.” What is a good Hindu is, in turn, defined by the Sangh.
- The state exists only as the expression and guarantor of a collectivity founded around a transcendent principle: The ideal state is the guarantor of the Hindu rashtra, a “nation” that exists as an organic and harmonious unity between “Hindus.” The concept of “Hindu” here is linked on the one hand to the normative notion of the “good Hindu” discussed above, and on the other to the Sangh itself (see below). The Hindu nation is defined by the principles that it claims to adhere to. As Deendayal Upadhyaya (1979) once put it, “the state is brought into existence to protect the nation, and to maintain conditions in which the ideals of the nation can be translated into reality.” These ideals constitute the nation’s “soul”, and the “laws that help manifest [this soul] are termed dharma.” “A state cannot be without dharma nor can it be indifferent to dharma, just as fire cannot be without heat” (Upadhyaya 1979).
- Divisions within this collectivity are unnecessary and pathological; the only division that is of importance is the line between “society” and its Other, the foreigner. All divisions “within” society are the work of malignant outsiders or foreigners, aimed at breaking up the unity and harmony of the Hindu nation. Thus D.B. Thengadi once claimed that “in our system… [social sectors] form an infinite spiral with no inner conflicts and no tensions” (Thengadi 1979). Sangh leaders frequently draw analogies between society and the ‘harmony’ of the human body (see e.g. Golwalkar 1979). As for those outside this nation, some of them are inferiors in need of education. As Golwalkar (1979) said, the RSS must “discourage people pursuing demoniac ways…[and inspire them] to develop their divine nature.” This includes those too “ignorant” to understand their role in Hindu society, a description that is applied particularly to adivasis. But in case education does not work, Golwalkar continues, “we may have to use sanctions of force also in our endeavour.” ‘Outsiders’ thus have a clear choice: they can swear allegiance to Hindutva and join ‘society’, or they can retain their beliefs, thereby confirming their ‘foreignness’ and making them fit for destruction.
- It is the Sangh that both constitutes and represents the Hindu nation. The Sangh is not merely an organisation of Hindus – it is the Hindu nation itself. As a Marathi textbook for ekal vidyalaya teachers puts it (9): “The aim of the Sangh is to organise the entire Hindu society, and not just to have a Hindu organisation within the ambit of this society. Had it been the latter, then the Sangh too would have added one more number to the already existing thousands of creeds. Though started as an institution, the aim of the Sangh is to expand so extensively that each and every individual and traditional social institutions like family, caste, profession, educational and religious institutions etc., are all to be ultimately engulfed into its system. The goal before the Sangh is to have an organised Hindu society in which all its constituents and institutions function in harmony and co-ordination, just as in the body organs”.
I have gone into these principles in some detail for two reasons. Firstly, there are strong resonances between these principles and neoliberalism, which will be discussed later. Secondly, and more importantly, there is a striking similarity between these tenets and the individualisation process that Poulantzas outlines as one of the functions of the capitalist state. Hindutva, like most authoritarian ideologies, is as much about the production of an essentialised individuality as it is about a totalising notion of the state/community. Hindutva projects a vision of individuals as a collection of monads – “good Hindus” – with nothing to distinguish the one from the other, or to connect the one to the other, except a single legitimate collectivity: the Sangh. This is explicitly a normative vision, not a descriptive one. Such a society is the ideal, and it will be the effort of the Sangh to achieve it.
In this sense, Hindutva’s understanding of the ideal society is in fact precisely the capitalist state’s vision – reified to a level that it becomes unrecognisable within the parameters of bourgeois democracy. And it was precisely at this level that the Hindutva ideological project was fundamentally opposed to the ideological bases of the other movements of the 1980s. It is arguable that Indian capital endorsed Hindutva because, as a hegemonic project, it directly sought the breaking down of the collectivities that the 1980s’ movements had made the central feature of Indian politics. Such collectivities had become an increasing obstacle to the upholding of commodity relations as the organising principle of capitalist society.
It was this that translated into the vocal elite endorsement of the Sangh Parivar as a “nationalist” organisation, one pitted against “sectional” and “vested” interests. Most striking of all was the description of the Ayodhya movement as the creator of a “modern India” (Rajagopal 2001, BJP 1991). Indeed, contrary to much of the analysis of Hindutva as a “reaction” against “modernity”, the Sangh and its cohorts have always been very clear that – in their vision – it is Hindutva itself that promotes “modernity” in India. And from the viewpoint of capital, this was correct, for it would indeed help to create that truly “modern” vision: an ideologically individualist society.
The Ayodhya Movement and Hindutva’s Mass Base Yet, while this argument may help explain the dominant interests being expressed by the project of Hindutva, we are still left with the question of how this project became hegemonic – or, more crudely, how it succeeded in building a mass base. For that, a closer examination of the Ayodhya movement is necessary.
There is no precise data on the nature of mass participation in the Ayodhya movement, but from available information it appears that its strongest bases were in urban areas, among the urban poor, and in small towns. Urban peripheries also saw strong participation, as well as some rural areas in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. However, it does not seem to have enjoyed a strong base in most rural areas. The organised working class in many urban areas supported the movement but were not active participants or leaders. Geographically the movement was most active in Maharashtra, Gujarat and the Hindi-speaking States, though it had support elsewhere as well.
Even this vague mapping throws up an interesting hypothesis: it appears that the Ayodhya movement mobilised precisely the social sectors that did not fully participate in the other 1980s’ movements. But these sectors also included large numbers of petty commodity producers, particularly in the case of the urban poor. At this time of an increasing shift in favour of large capital, such persons were subject to the same intensifying reproduction squeeze as all other petty commodity producers. Further, they now included in their ranks the increasing numbers of those who lost formal employment as part of the first waves of liberalisation-induced deindustrialisation. At the time this was a geographically specific phenomenon, but one particularly striking example is the textile mills of Bombay and Ahmedabad – many of whose workers, at least in the case of Ahmedabad, subsequently became rabid supporters of the Sangh.
Yet, despite the fact that their circumstances were similar to those of the mass base of most of the 1980s’ movements, these social sectors lacked political formations that could represent their demands in a time of increasing insecurity. One can hypothesise that two reasons fed into this vacuum. First, no corresponding social element to the “rich farmer” groups, which played the leading role elsewhere, existed in many of these contexts. Second, the state’s role was also far more complex and indirect, particularly in urban areas. The populist articulation of a shared “community”, led by large producers but with shared demands on the state, could hence not be formed. Producers were instead fragmented, directly facing the pressures of class differentiation and proletarianisation. Moreover, as the 1980s wore on, the inability of the other 1980s’ movements to produce results for most of their members led increasingly to disillusionment even in areas where such movements were strong. It is indeed true that these social sectors faced a crisis; but it was apolitical crisis, not an economic one.
Building Mass Support It is in this context that the Hindutva organisations undertook their mass expansion drive. Until this period, the Sangh had focused largely on cadre building and indoctrination as its main method of organisation. Such organising built a core of dedicated cadres with a large geographical reach, but could not undertake mass expansion, especially outside the caste and class lines that defined the traditional strongholds of the Parivar’s organisations.
In the early part of the decade, the organisation undertook a series of changes. In particular, the RSS chose to foreground the VHP – and, later in the decade, the BJP – as the frontline Sangh Parivar organisations. Having been “relaunched” between 1979 and 1981, the VHP began a rapid expansion around 1984 (Jaffrelot 1999). The organisation led a series of mobilisations around the conversion of Dalits to Islam in Meenakshipuram (Tamil Nadu), the Shah Bano case, and the “Ekatmata Yatras.” Mobilisation now began to revolve around temple-building, social service and the yatras, with the last becoming the primary mode of mass action. As Rajagopal (2001) puts it, “there was a shift away from sectarian view of organising, with indoctrination as its aim and daily drill as its chief method, to a far more pragmatic approach that emphasised mobilisation over indoctrination, and political effect over organisational discipline.”
These new modes of organising had a very different impact from the old. They rested on offering various “gains” that corresponded to different contradictions facing different sectors. Unlike the other 1980s’ movements, however, these “gains” were not about state support or political patronage. Instead, they were specifically geared towards concrete, immediate benefits and responses to the contradictions faced by these social sectors at the time.
Some examples are as follows. For adivasis in Madhya Pradesh – a community largely lacking in political organisation but nonetheless increasingly commoditised – the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram offered direct access to hostels, schools, medical centres, etc. (and later became the nucleus of a more formal system of recruitment described in the last section). More than eight hundred schools were opened by the VHP in 1983 alone, mostly in tribal areas. Between 1978 to 1983, the number of full time activists in the VKA increased by six times, with most of their activities concerned with “service” (Jaffrelot 1999). Similar tactics were used with Dalits. Thus in the early 1980s, the VHP came out with a plan to build 100 temples in SC areas of Tamil Nadu (ibid.). Such temple building was to be a standard tactic throughout the decade, providing a way to channel funds into target areas and offering both employment and charity. In addition, for adivasis and Dalits specific economic contradictions with minorities were frequently exploited. One Ghaziabad riot in 1990, for instance, was triggered by the VHP essentially utilising a balmiki leader’s tensions with Muslims over land in the outskirts of the town, the area to which both had been banished by caste Hindu pressures (Basu 1996). Meanwhile, on the other side of the caste spectrum, the urban upper caste youth who formed a significant proportion of the “shock troops” of the Parivar gained both employment/financial support and the ability to implicitly target the OBC mobilisation that threatened their access to state employment (Jaffrelot 1999, Basu 1996).
In addition to these direct material gains, the Sangh movement also offered a more intangible – but arguably still material – gain by creating new public spaces that were accessible to traditionally marginalised sectors. The movement offered access to higher steps on the social hierarchy by simultaneously aiming to retain its high caste character and “respectability” while allowing entry to those earlier excluded. This strategy was applied to various social sectors. Thus Dalits were specifically wooed by the VHP in the early 1980s; many of the new temples were specifically designed as public eating spaces for cross-caste meals. Dalits were also made carriers of the “holy water” in the Ekatmata Yatras (Jaffrelot 1999), and more generally both Dalits and lower castes were allowed access to ritual spaces traditionally denied to them (Rajagopal 2001).
For women, as is attested by a large body of literature on the gender aspects of Hindutva (11), such access to new spaces and possibilities of political action was perhaps the biggest attraction of the movement. The Sangh offered a “safe” avenue of political action that permitted women, particularly women of lower middle class households, to participate in politics without facing family opposition. Moreover it sometimes even raised, in a conservative and reactionary manner, issues such as sexual harassment and pornography (Basu 2001).
Such access to space leads both to a sense of psychological empowerment and also to more immediate gains, through membership in a privileged group including economically wealthy and powerful individuals. The VHP and VKA’s networks in Madhya Pradesh, for instance, were largely funded by local wealthy traders and former royal families. This was later added to by increasing donations from urban elites and from NRI’s, who soon became a key funding source for the movement. The enormous amount of money that poured into the movement from such sources allowed them to offer both direct and indirect benefits to those who participated. Soon the VHP came to be known, in the RSS hierarchy, as the organisation aimed at the middle castes, the urban lower middle class, and similar social sectors of the kind described above.
Finally, during the latter half of this phase, access to these political spaces also meant participation in violence – and the financial, personal and psychological gains that follow on the use of violence against minority communities has been amply documented. Given the tilt of the state machinery towards the Hindutva organisations, such violence also often could be engaged in with impunity.
The Material-Ideological “Bargain” In this sense, the movement offered both enhanced security and the prospect of social mobility. The ability to make these offers was crucially linked to the support given to the movement by capital, the state and the upper castes. None of these advantages could be offered by the other 1980s’ movements, who did not enjoy such support.
But this was an offer that came with a bargain. The gains on offer accrued not to the class or the community, but to the individual, and the person had to self-constitute themselves as an individual by abandoning all other markers of identity. As seen above, acceptance of Hindutva ideology and organisational methods brought this as its strongest implication. Thus Dalits and adivasis were explicitly or implicitly forbidden to raise issues of discrimination against their communities. The Sangh women’s organisations neither permitted nor encouraged raising of issues of women’s rights (Sarkar 2001). In the present day, teachers in the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram’s ekal vidyalaya schools are asked to renounce any party affiliation, any caste identity and any commitment to any “sectional interest” other than that of “Bharat” (see below and Gopalakrishnan and Sreenivasa 2007 for more details). In short, supporters and – at a much more intense level – cadres of the movement were required to discard all identities except their standing as an individual, “good Hindu.”
The Commodification of Politics Such methods of individualisation were then reinforced by wider discursive tactics of the movement itself. Rajagopal (1999) has argued that one of the key innovations of the Sangh Parivar in the 1980s was the conscious use of political marketing, the re-constitution of political action as consumption. The decision to utilise yatras as the most visible mobilisation vehicle was central to this strategy, and this was combined with the mass marketing of items like stickers, tridents, clothes and pictures. Available statistics show striking evidence of this. Jaffrelot (1999) notes how, in three days of the Ekatmata Yatra in 1983, 6,000 images of Bharat Mata and more than 70,000 bottles of “holy water” were sold. The Ram Shilanyas in 1989 was performed with the use of bricks sent by villages across the country, and involved a cash contribution of Rs. 1.25 by every individual who joined the ceremonies around the bricks. According to the VHP’s statistics, more than 83 million rupees were collected. The yatras themselves became giant symbolic exercises, advertising the chosen few symbols of the movement (Ram; the trident; the colour saffron; the bricks) in a kind of mass cultural outpouring.
Political action in India has been historically associated with charismatic leadership, or at most with traditional party membership (as in the Communist organisations). The Ayodhya movement instead promoted a kind offetishisation of such political relationships and of political action itself, converting one’s relationship with a physical object or a symbol into the essence of one’s relationship with the movement. Purchasing a sticker or a flag became a method of participating; participating in pujas for bricks and images was a mode of political mobilisation.
The use of symbols in this manner functioned synergistically with the expansion of corporate advertising and marketing into rural India, as both converged on the importance of the “brand” as a basis of action (Rajagopal 1999). The Hindutva movement explicitly tried to convert their politics into a “brand” – and endorsement of that brand through purchase, exhibition or worship constituted the act of political support for the movement. But what is a brand other than a reification of the commodity concept itself? In this way, the Ayodhya movement operated through a discourse of commoditisation of politics. Political action was integrated withconsumption.
This analysis is not meant to claim that hate politics and Hindu chauvinism were irrelevant to the Hindutva mobilisation. They were no doubt the cultural categories and political tropes that formed the substance of the ideology. But the importance of the “Hindu community” was not a result of invocation of religious identity alone. Rather, this exploration postulates that it built on a partial satisfaction of the material-ideological needs of its cadre and its base – while simultaneously converting those needs into a driving force for individualisation and the restructuring of social relations in favour of capital. This partial coordination of interests between capital and large sections of petty commodity producers then becomes a dialectical part of the sense of “identity” of those involved. Hindu “identity” was thus politically reconstructed to mean individualised support for the movement, membership in its organisations and participation in its violence. In this sense, the movement was as much about rebuilding “Hindu” society as it was about targeting minorities.
The Entry of Neoliberalism
The remainder of this paper concerns the Indian polity after the start of reforms in 1991, with the rise to total dominance of the neoliberal project in India. To evaluate the relationship between neoliberalism and Hindutva in this context, we have first to evaluate Indian neoliberalism itself, both as an economic phenomenon and as a political project.
There are in a sense two sides to Indian neoliberalism. On the one hand, the glaring triumph of neoliberal policies and their endorsement by practically all major political parties across the political spectrum indicates the strength of neoliberal ideology as a shaping force of state action in the country. This is the analysis that most of us on the left share, and it reflects the massive defeats inflicted on the left in the last two decades.
But at the same time, Indian neoliberalism has some peculiar weaknesses. One such weakness is reflected in the policy trajectory that neoliberalism has taken in India. In the first decade, the primary focus was on regulatory liberalisation, trade liberalisation, capital account liberalisation and state rollback – namely the “classical” neoliberal model followed in most nations. But such reforms, essentially aimed at strengthening the power of finance capital, ran into growing obstacles. Those that remained confined to finance and industrial spheres, such as capital account liberalisation, went ahead with relatively fewer hitches. Others that were essentially reallocation of resources within the state, such as budget cuts, also have proceeded rapidly. But those that directly affected petty commodity producers, or the small number of capitalist producers in the agricultural sector – such as food subsidies, the public procurement and distribution system, or complete import liberalisation – have been partly or completely blocked. The PDS has been converted into the “targeted PDS” and thus severely maimed, but it has not been dismantled. Similarly tariff cuts have greatly harmed agricultural producers, but they have not been as total as they were in many other parts of the world.
It is arguable that this weakness reflects the nature of Indian capitalism and the continuing relationship between Indian capital and petty commodity producers. The existence of petty commodity producers is simultaneously a requirement for and a fetter on Indian capitalism, both as a result of democratic politics and through its material relationship with capital. Indeed, the vast majority of production in India, even that in the so-called organised sector, involves some degree of involvement of petty commodity producers. In this sense, incidentally, the neoliberal emphasis on informalisation and “outsourcing” is hardly new to Indian capitalism.
Hence, neoliberalism has required a recalibration in India. This recalibration has become increasingly apparent in the last seven or eight years. In this period, the major new initiatives in Indian neoliberalism have been in the area of what David Harvey (2003) described as “accumulation by dispossession” (or “accumulation by encroachment”, to refer to Prabhat Patnaik’s (2005) slightly more accurate description of events in India). These include liberalisation of mining, the accelerated growth in infrastructure sectors, privatisation of natural resources, and the creation of Special Economic Zones. Also in this category are the brutal judiciary-driven assaults on forest dwellers, urban workers and urban petty traders/producers. As is argued by the theory of accumulation by dispossession, these initiatives are aimed at directly expropriating petty commodity producers (as well as subsistence producers, in a few contexts) rather than eliminating them through market forces. By forcibly stripping these producers of their means of production, they result in mass proletarianisation and super-accumulation for the beneficiary capitals.
Unlike the blocked “reforms”, however, such moves towards accumulation by dispossession are unlikely to lead to the elimination of most, or even a significant portion, of petty commodity producers. They still only affect a relatively small number of producers as compared to the Indian economy as a whole. Rather than an effort at destroying petty commodity production, they can more accurately be seen as the most visible vanguard of a drive for intensified extraction of surplus from the latter – a drive whose most widespread manifestation is the crisis of reproduction in agriculture. This crisis, while also accelerating proletarianisation among the poor peasantry, is impacting producers in direct proportion to the degree of their commoditisation – meaning that the so-called “middle peasantry”, who were simultaneously the most vulnerable and the most commoditised, are being hit the hardest.
Thus, whereas petty commodity production cannot be totally eliminated, it can be more intensely subjugated and made more vulnerable to intensified extraction. Under neoliberalism, Indian capitalism has proven to prefer a more shrunken, dominated space for petty commodity production than in the earlier model. This intensified extraction is in turn made possible by the shift in capital accumulation towards larger producers and the organised sector. It is in this context that the political project of neoliberalism has developed.
Indian Neoliberalism as a Political Project The failure to implement the “typical” package of neoliberal reforms in India is only one facet of Indian neoliberalism’s weakness. The other becomes immediately apparent if we compare India to Thatcherite Britain, Reagan’s America, or the Latin American dictatorships. In India, neoliberalism is not a mass political project. No political party or organised political force (such as the army in Latin America) has adopted neoliberalism as such as a part of its ideology. To this day, with the very significant exception of Gujarat (to which we will return), no political party has won elections with anything resembling an open endorsement of neoliberal policies. Moreover, other than a generic celebration of consumption and consumption-fuelled aspirations, even popular vernacular media rarely articulates the ideological principles of neoliberalism.
Indian neoliberalism has thus largely failed to build itself into a truly hegemonic project. This is in sharp contrast to Thatcherism, for instance, which built a popular base by using neoliberal ideology to refract genuine contradictions of social democracy (Hall 1979).
In Gramsci’s terms, Indian neoliberalism lacks a “totalitarian party”; it is an ideology without an organisation, except parts of the state machinery itself.
Why this is the case is a far larger question. At an ideological level, by comparison with Thatcherism, it can be seen that the contradictions experienced by most Indians cannot be easily reduced to the formulae of state over-regulation. The continued presence of the state as both supporter and opponent of petty production prevents an easy attack on it as an external imposition. The discourses of the 1980s remain far too powerful to be swept aside, giving rise to endless laments from neoliberal ideologues about “vote bank” politics and the inability of the Indian masses to understand the wisdom of the “market.”
This political failure in turn becomes an obstacle to the subjugation of petty producers. It is clear that if Indian capital found the discourses of the 1980s’ movements a fetter on their expansion, neoliberalism does so at a far more intense level. Such politics directly opposes the blanket liberalisation, regulatory withdrawal and speculative freedom that are so central to the neoliberal project. Moreover, in the Indian context, the persistence of such politics blocks the wholesale subjugation of petty commodity producers and hinders the ability of capital to impose its will on the Indian polity. As such, if neoliberalism is to politically succeed in reshaping India’s society and polity as it wishes, it requires a stronger foundation on which to attack such politics.
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Chikmagalur , Belgaum , Dharwad , Haveri , Kolar , Gulbarga , Chitradurga , Bangalore Rural , Dakshina Kannada , Hassan , Raichur , Gadag , Davanagere , Mandya , Udupi , Uttara Kannada , Tumkur , Chamarajanagar , Kodagu , Shimoga , Bangalore , Bijapur , Bellary , Bagalkot , Bidar , Koppal , Mysore ,
Monopoly Franchise of Vasolife Healthcare in Cities
Saundatti-Yellamma , Konnur , Mundgod , Bajala , Jog Falls , Donimalai Township , Dandeli , Terdal , Narasimharajapura , Ambikanagara , Yelahanka , Sringeri , Bhimarayanagudi , Shiggaon , Chamrajnagar , Hiriyur , Chik Ballapur , Hubli-Dharwad , Kodigenahalli , Yelandur , Hoovina Hadagalli , Talikota , Turuvekere , Bangarapet , Mudbidri , Bijapur , Tumkur , Shaktinagar , Gurmatkal , Chitgoppa , Kangrali (KH) , Munirabad Project Area , Homnabad , Indi , Gottikere , Dargajogihalli , Thokur-62 , Jevargi , Ramanagaram , Hebbalu , Udupi , Mangalore , Hatti Gold Mines , Bagalkot , Wadi ACC , Belgaum Cantonment , Heggadadevanakote , Konanakunte , Pattanagere , Holalkere , Dod Ballapur , Krishnarajapura , Bellary , Shahabad , Basavana Bagevadi , Kamalapuram , Kudligi , Yelbarga , Jamkhandi , Devadurga , Kushtagi , Ron , Someshwar , Hospet , Mallar , Somvarpet , Sankeshwar , Adyar , Kengeri , Naregal , Athni , Birur , Kundapura , Tiptur , Bommanahalli , Mandya , Jagalur , Alnavar , Nargund , Bhalki , Chintamani , Mulur , Gokak , Badami , Madhugiri , Raichur , Davanagere , Mahalingpur , Savanur , Wadi , Hosanagara , Chikmagalur , Honavar , Mudhol , Shahabad ACC , Saligram , Sidlaghatta , Ilkal , Kodiyal , Mudigere , Molakalmuru , Puttur , Ullal , Belvata , Munnur , Lakshmeshwar , Kalghatgi , Pavagada , Shahpur , Shorapur , Mahadevapura , Herohalli , Beltangadi , Malavalli , Robertson Pet , Basavakalyan , Shirhatti , Hebbagodi , Adityapatna , Mulbagal , Kudremukh , Kotturu , Siralkoppa , Srinivaspur , Sulya , Mudgal , Koppa , Thumbe , Rabkavi Banhatti , Koratagere , Dasarahalli , Sathyamangala , Kundgol , Sorab , Belgaum , Kushalnagar , Gadag-Betigeri , Pudu , Kanakapura , Virajpet , Nagamangala , Hukeri , Aland , Sindhnur , Hassan , Byadgi , Kannur , Chitapur , Kothnur , Gubbi , Ramdurg , Nipani , Kollegal , Khanapur , Lingsugur , Koppal , Siruguppa , Kampli , Channarayapattana , Sirsi , Gauribidanur , Yenagudde , Haliyal , Magadi , Honnali , Sira , Gonikoppal , Chitradurga , Harpanahalli , Tekkalakota , Arkalgud , Hunsur , Shimoga , Mulgund , Sadalgi , Kerur , Bilgi , Kadur , Hirekerur , Bommasandra , Bail Hongal , Yadgir , Channapatna , Krishnarajasagara , Hoskote , Ranibennur , Gajendragarh , Raybag , Holenarsipur , Gokak Falls , Gudibanda , Sakleshpur , Navalgund , Bantwal , Bannur , Karkal , Krishnarajanagar , Hunasamaranahalli , Muddebihal , Challakere , Sagar , Londa , Nelmangala , Manvi , Belur , Sindgi , Tarikere , Tirumakudal-Narsipur , Hosdurga , Siddapur , Anekal , Haveri , Piriyapatna , Alur , Bangalore , Bhatkal , Bhogadi , Pandavapura , Malur , Gulbarga , Chiknayakanhalli , Hindalgi , Shrirangapattana , Aurad , Kudchi , Annigeri , Vijayapura , Ankola , Bagepalli , Uttarahalli , Kotekara , Kurgunta , Yellapur , Arsikere , Sedam , Venkatapura , Mulki , Guledgudda , Mudalgi , Afzalpur , Chikodi , Bidar , Karwar , Kunigal , Sandur , Byatarayanapura , Harihar , Maddur , Bhadravati , Madikeri , Tirthahalli , Gundlupet , Nanjangud , Shikarpur , Mudushedde , Kangrali (BK) , Gangawati , Devanhalli , Kumta , Bajpe , Channagiri , Hangal , Hungund , Kolar , Hatti , Mysore , Bankapura , Krishnarajpet , Mundargi , Chincholi ,
Address : SCF-434, IIND FLOOR M.MARKET, MANI MAJRA, CHANDIGARH
Website :
https://www.vasolifehealthcare.com --19--
2. Lifepure Labs (Pharma franchise manufacturer in Meghalaya)
Lifepure Labs is an esteemed name in the pharmaceuticals industry having head office in CHANDIGARH. Lifepure Labs provides
PCD franchise business deal in Meghalaya and all the states of India. These include Saundatti-Yellamma , Konnur , Mundgod , Bajala , Jog Falls , Donimalai Township , Dandeli , Terdal , Narasimharajapura , Ambikanagara , Yelahanka , Sringeri , Bhimarayanagudi , Shiggaon , Chamrajnagar , Hiriyur , Chik Ballapur , Hubli-Dharwad , Kodigenahalli , Yelandur , Hoovina Hadagalli , Talikota , Turuvekere , Bangarapet , Mudbidri , Bijapur , Tumkur , Shaktinagar , Gurmatkal , Chitgoppa , Kangrali (KH) , Munirabad Project Area , Homnabad , Indi , Gottikere , Dargajogihalli , Thokur-62 , Jevargi , Ramanagaram , Hebbalu , Udupi , Mangalore , Hatti Gold Mines , Bagalkot , Wadi ACC , Belgaum Cantonment , Heggadadevanakote , Konanakunte , Pattanagere , Holalkere , Dod Ballapur , Krishnarajapura , Bellary , Shahabad , Basavana Bagevadi , Kamalapuram , Kudligi , Yelbarga , Jamkhandi , Devadurga , Kushtagi , Ron , Someshwar , Hospet , Mallar , Somvarpet , Sankeshwar , Adyar , Kengeri , Naregal , Athni , Birur , Kundapura , Tiptur , Bommanahalli , Mandya , Jagalur , Alnavar , Nargund , Bhalki , Chintamani , Mulur , Gokak , Badami , Madhugiri , Raichur , Davanagere , Mahalingpur , Savanur , Wadi , Hosanagara , Chikmagalur , Honavar , Mudhol , Shahabad ACC , Saligram , Sidlaghatta , Ilkal , Kodiyal , Mudigere , Molakalmuru , Puttur , Ullal , Belvata , Munnur , Lakshmeshwar , Kalghatgi , Pavagada , Shahpur , Shorapur , Mahadevapura , Herohalli , Beltangadi , Malavalli , Robertson Pet , Basavakalyan , Shirhatti , Hebbagodi , Adityapatna , Mulbagal , Kudremukh , Kotturu , Siralkoppa , Srinivaspur , Sulya , Mudgal , Koppa , Thumbe , Rabkavi Banhatti , Koratagere , Dasarahalli , Sathyamangala , Kundgol , Sorab , Belgaum , Kushalnagar , Gadag-Betigeri , Pudu , Kanakapura , Virajpet , Nagamangala , Hukeri , Aland , Sindhnur , Hassan , Byadgi , Kannur , Chitapur , Kothnur , Gubbi , Ramdurg , Nipani , Kollegal , Khanapur , Lingsugur , Koppal , Siruguppa , Kampli , Channarayapattana , Sirsi , Gauribidanur , Yenagudde , Haliyal , Magadi , Honnali , Sira , Gonikoppal , Chitradurga , Harpanahalli , Tekkalakota , Arkalgud , Hunsur , Shimoga , Mulgund , Sadalgi , Kerur , Bilgi , Kadur , Hirekerur , Bommasandra , Bail Hongal , Yadgir , Channapatna , Krishnarajasagara , Hoskote , Ranibennur , Gajendragarh , Raybag , Holenarsipur , Gokak Falls , Gudibanda , Sakleshpur , Navalgund , Bantwal , Bannur , Karkal , Krishnarajanagar , Hunasamaranahalli , Muddebihal , Challakere , Sagar , Londa , Nelmangala , Manvi , Belur , Sindgi , Tarikere , Tirumakudal-Narsipur , Hosdurga , Siddapur , Anekal , Haveri , Piriyapatna , Alur , Bangalore , Bhatkal , Bhogadi , Pandavapura , Malur , Gulbarga , Chiknayakanhalli , Hindalgi , Shrirangapattana , Aurad , Kudchi , Annigeri , Vijayapura , Ankola , Bagepalli , Uttarahalli , Kotekara , Kurgunta , Yellapur , Arsikere , Sedam , Venkatapura , Mulki , Guledgudda , Mudalgi , Afzalpur , Chikodi , Bidar , Karwar , Kunigal , Sandur , Byatarayanapura , Harihar , Maddur , Bhadravati , Madikeri , Tirthahalli , Gundlupet , Nanjangud , Shikarpur , Mudushedde , Kangrali (BK) , Gangawati , Devanhalli , Kumta , Bajpe , Channagiri , Hangal , Hungund , Kolar , Hatti , Mysore , Bankapura , Krishnarajpet , Mundargi , Chincholi , and many more. They are covering major cities and uncovered areas under our PCD business scheme.
Lifepure Labs is offering
PCD Franchise in Meghalaya and
Third Party Manufacturing in Meghalaya .
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Lifepure Labs is keen for in Meghalaya for the following regions :
Monopoly Franchise of Lifepure Labs in Districts
Jaintia Hills , West Garo Hills , West Khasi Hills , Ri Bhoi , South Garo Hills , East Garo Hills , East Khasi Hills ,
Monopoly Franchise of Lifepure Labs in Cities
Nongmynsong , Nongthymmai , Cherapunjee , Pynthorumkhrah , Madanrting , Mairang , Resubelpara , Shillong Cantt. , Williamnagar , Jawai , Shillong , Tura , Baghmara , Mawlai , Nongstoin , Nongpoh ,
Address : SCF-255, 1st Floor,Motor Market, Manimajra
Website :
http://www.lifepurelabs.com --16--
3. Angiolife Healthcare (Top PCD Pharma Franchise Company in Tamil Nadu)
Angiolife Healthcare is an Chandigarh based Pharmaceutical Company which is having more than 250 products manufactured from
ISO: GMP certified plants. It is one of the best PCD Pharma Franchise Company in Tamil Nadu and has the business running all over the India with perfect services and the full range of promotional material provided to parties. So Angiolife Healthcare is one of the best Options for PCD Pharma Franchise in Tamil Nadu and other top cities in India.
The company is offering
PCD Franchise in Tamil Nadu and
Third Party Manufacturing in Tamil Nadu .
Tag : top five pharma company in india, pharmaceutical sector in india, best medicine manufacturers india, pharmaceutical marketing companies in india, mumbai based pharma companies, pharmaceutical companies in the world, pharmacy in mumbai, pharmaceutical business, pharmaceutical franchise, mnc pharma companies in india,
Angiolife Healthcare is keen for in Tamil Nadu for the following regions :
Monopoly Franchise of Angiolife Healthcare in Districts
Theni , Kapur , Thanjavur , Salem , Madurai , Sivaganga , Tiruvanamalai , Dindigul , Ariyalur , Dharmapuri , Kancheepuram , Thiruvallur , The Nilgiris , Pudukkottai , Virudhunagar , Thiruvarur , Toothukudi , Ramanathapuram , Coimbatore , Tiruchirappalli , Vellore , Nagapattinam , Erode , Kanniyakumari , Viluppuram , Tirunelveli , Perambalur , Namakkal , Chennai , Cuddalore ,
Monopoly Franchise of Angiolife Healthcare in Cities
Appakudal , Neelankarai , Neelagiri , Uppidamangalam , Tiruppur , Ponmani , Kalapatti , Palani Chettipatti , Marudur , Alangulam , Periya Negamam , Vadakarai Keezhpadugai , Kolappalur , Tirukalukundram , Oddanchatram , Nambiyur , Puliyur , Bhavani , Pannaikadu , Pallavaram , Mettur , Kombai , Krishnasamudram , Urapakkam , Manimutharu , Viswanatham , Anaiyur , Vilankurichi , Kulithalai , Chennai , Sundarapandiam , Kollankoil , Olagadam , Kasipalayam (E) , Avaniapuram , Sholingur , Poonamallee , S.Kodikulam , Ramapuram , Wellington , Chennimalai , Nerkunram , Tiruchendur , Chinnamanur , Dharasuram , Porur , Thakkolam , Tharamangalam , Kaniyur , Brahmana Periya-Agraharam , Anaimalai , Labbaikudikadu , Mettupalayam , Thiruvithankodu , Pattukkottai , Sankari , Thanthoni , Kelamangalam , Palayam , Namagiripettai , Thirupuvanam , Othakalmandapam , Konavattam , Kanakkampalayam , Avadi , Ilampillai , Kattumannarkoil , Manapakkam , Ambasamudram , Surandai , Kambam , Sholinganallur , Alwarthirunagiri , Peerkankaranai , Nangavaram , Melacheval , Jagathala , Thiruvaiyaru , Nandivaram-Guduvancheri , Thisayanvilai , Kalinjur , Manapparai , Kuhalur , Thiruppanandal , Nilakkottai , R.S.Mangalam , Ayyampalayam , Arumbavur , Rajapalayam , Puliyankudi , Kuthalam , Ammainaickanur , Palladam , Edaganasalai , Pathamadai , Paravai , P.N.Patti , Ayyampettai , Melattur , Mandaikadu , Velampalayam , Chengalpattu , Alangudi , Ariyappampalayam , Valavanur , Viluppuram , Madavaram , Dhalavoipuram , Kodumudi , Bhuvanagiri , Mandapam , Palakkodu , Valvaithankoshtam , Gopalasamudram , Anakaputhur , Kaveripattinam , Arumuganeri , Senthamangalam , Sithayankottai , Devadanapatti , Thiruvattaru , Neyveli , Bikketti , Sambavar Vadagarai , Singaperumalkoil , Alagappapuram , Karumathampatti , Cheranmadevi , Kalugumalai , Komaralingam , Thuraiyur , Kanniyakumari , Kilvelur , Paramathi , Naduvattam , Chennasamudram , Kothinallur , Abiramam , Tittakudi , Vadipatti , Sankarankoil , Thiruvalam , Veerakeralam , Agastheeswaram , Periyanaickenpalayam , Unnamalaikadai , A.Vellalapatti , Sathiyavijayanagaram , Mukkudal , Maduravoyal , Alandur , Suchindram , Sethiathoppu , Sayapuram , Jaffrabad , Vathirairuppu , Alapakkam , Madippakkam , Belur , Namakkal , Pullampadi , Karaikkudi , Athani , Koothappar , Lalpet , Polur , Kumarapuram , Pazhugal , Azhagiapandiapuram , Kamayagoundanpatti , Thalakudi , Pethanaickenpalayam , T.Kallupatti , Ettayapuram , Kangeyam , Vaniputhur , Singampuneri , Devakottai , Thenambakkam , Punjaipuliampatti , Goundampalayam , Nallur , Hanumanthampatti , Thiruparappu , Periyapatti , Punjai Thottakurichi , Tayilupatti , Pasur , Thenthiruperai , Shenkottai , Vasudevanallur , Kayatharu , Panruti , Vadalur , Killlai , Thirumalayampalayam , Vellimalai , Moolakaraipatti , Senur , Thanjavur , Natham , Sankarnagar , Perungulam , Parangipettai , Udayarpalayam , Melvisharam , Perungudi , Vaitheeswarankoil , Manamadurai , Kolathupalayam , Madukkur , Padirikuppam , Papparapatti , Thirunindravur , Andipatti Jakkampatti , Kangeyanallur , Nagavakulam , Acharapakkam , Manali , Arumanai , Arachalur , Alwarkurichi , Kadayampatti , Chinna Anuppanadi , Injambakkam , Pallipattu , Ayyalur , Karugampattur , Aralvaimozhi , Pudukadai , Ayakudi , Thiruvenkatam , Thiruporur , Virupakshipuram , Vengampudur , Sholavandan , Ammapettai , Kallakudi , Gandhi Nagar(Katpadi Ext.) , Odugathur , Thiruvarur , Srivaikuntam , Tambaram , Vennanthur , Kamuthi , Kilkunda , Thiruvennainallur , Kilampadi , Ulundurpettai , Kanam , Attayampatti , Alanganallur , Thuvakudi , Pattinam , Mallur , Sholur , Desur , Mudukulathur , Ganapathipuram , Maramangalathupatti , Markayankottai , Puzhithivakkam (Ullagaram) , Palamedu , Pennadam , Kalakkad , Neripperichal , Rudravathi , Kalambur , Virudhachalam , Bargur , Elayirampannai , Kallukuttam , S. Kannanur , Dalavaipatti , Sembakkam , Llayangudi , Kodaikanal , Kattivakkam , Elathur , Alangayam , Narasimhanaickenpalayam , Inam Karur , Neiyyur , Pallathur , V. Pudur , Kandanur , Sivanthipuram , Chithode , Ranipettai , Odaipatti , Agaram , A.Thirumuruganpoondi , Saravanampatti , Jalakandapuram , Kaliyakkavilai , Melathiruppanthuruthi , Thingalnagar , Othakadai , Swamimalai , Puvalur , Keeramangalam , Keeripatti , Dhaliyur , Thenthamaraikulam , Courtalam , Sriperumbudur , Kariamangalam , Kangayampalayam , Avadattur , Kottaram , Pudupalaiyam Aghraharam , Seerapalli , Vanavasi , Attur , Kadayal , Vandavasi , Kannankurichi , Nanjikottai , Thesur , Kottaiyur , Thathaiyangarpet , Anjugramam , Padmanabhapuram , Thengampudur , Veeravanallur , Neikkarapatti , Pallipalayam , Surampatti , Srimushnam , Karungal , Kuzhithurai , Manachanallur , Athipattu , Kolachal , Sathankulam , Mecheri , Jayankondam , Padianallur , Chinnasalem , Mulagumudu , Veerappanchatram , Nattapettai , Pudupatti , Sarcarsamakulam , Timiri , Pappankurichi , Idikarai , Eral , B. Mallapuram , St.Thomas Mount-cum-Pallavaram , Modakurichi , Sundarapandiapuram , Pollachi , Peralam , Pudupalayam , Pernampattu , Tirusulam , Valangaiman , Tharangambadi , Arani , Madambakkam , Nallampatti , Manalmedu , Sankaramanallur , Polichalur , Venkarai , Veppathur , Karambakkam , Gingee , Kappiyarai , O' Valley , Coonoor , Salangapalayam , Sentharapatti , Dusi , Thirunagar , Uthayendram , Mangalam , Vadakkanandal , Thirukarungudi , P.Mettupalayam , Nazerath , Thondamuthur , Kollankodu , Pappireddipatti , Dhali , Thuthipattu , Kuniyamuthur , Kallakkurichi , Uthukkottai , Kaveripakkam , Thoothukkudi , Kinathukadavu , Kannamangalam , Rayagiri , Omalur , Kannampalayam , Vadavalli , Tirukkoyilur , Thammampatti , Lakkampatti , Thevur , Chettithangal , Tiruvethipuram , Eraniel , Myladi , Vilapakkam , Kalappanaickenpatti , Kurumbalur , Kembainaickenpalayam , Jambai , Highways , Pooluvapatti , Melur , Tiruttani , Ethapur , Aravakurichi , Kanadukathan , Palani , Balakrishnapuram , Pattiveeranpatti , Vijayapuri , Devarshola , Boothapandi , Pallikaranai , Keelakarai , Udumalaipettai , Sirkali , Ayothiapattinam , Marungur , Thamaraikulam , Pacode , Pothanur , Killiyur , Thiruvidaimarudur , Rosalpatti , Kadayanallur , Adikaratti , Kodavasal , Aravankad , Semmipalayam , Sevilimedu , Maduranthakam , Kovilpatti , Ammoor , Vikramasingapuram , Annamalai Nagar , Ambattur , Vadamadurai , Kooraikundu , Sivakasi , Edaikodu , Samathur , Thirumazhisai , Keeranur , Kancheepuram , Villukuri , Musiri , Virudhunagar , Kolathur , Nasiyanur , Narasingapuram , Thirumangalam , Arcot , Ilanji , Denkanikottai , Balapallam , Vallam , Iluppur , Peraiyur , Sirugamani , Pannaipuram , Cholapuram , Tindivanam , Palaganangudy , Tenkasi , Ponneri , Mallamooppampatti , Eriodu , Aygudi , Kundrathur , Kulasekarapuram , Vikravandi , Krishnarayapuram , Kariapatti , Thalainayar , Vazhapadi , Ramanathapuram , Vellore , Sevugampatti , Thiruthangal , Melagaram , TNPL Pugalur , Manavalakurichi , Mangalampet , Arimalam , Karur , Madathukulam , Pallipalayam Agraharam , Koradacheri ,
Address : Angiolife Healthcare Pvt Ltd, SCF 410, 1st & 2nd Floor, Motor Market, Manimajra, Chandigarh - 160101
Website :
https://www.angiolifehealthcare.com --13--
4. Orville Biotek (Top PCD Pharma Franchise Company in Uttar Pradesh)
Orville Biotek is an Yamuna Nagar based Pharmaceutical Company which is having more than 250 products manufactured from
ISO: GMP certified plants. It is one of the best PCD Pharma Franchise Company in Uttar Pradesh and has the business running all over the India with perfect services and the full range of promotional material provided to parties. So Orville Biotek is one of the best Options for PCD Pharma Franchise in Uttar Pradesh and other top cities in India.
The company is offering
PCD Franchise in Uttar Pradesh and
Third Party Manufacturing in Uttar Pradesh .
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Orville Biotek is keen for in Uttar Pradesh for the following regions :
Monopoly Franchise of Orville Biotek in Districts
Kushinagar , Ghazipur , Deoria , Shahjahanpur , Baghpat , Azamgarh , Kanpur Nagar , Gautam Buddha Nagar , Mirzapur , Kheri , Etah , Bareilly , Sitapur , Ballia , Rae Bareli , Ghaziabad , Bahraich , Auraiya , Balrampur , Allahabad , Siddharthnagar , Moradabad , Ambedaker Nagar , Firozabad , Saharanpur , Lucknow , Jalaun , Farrukhabad , Hardoi , Barabanki , Sant Ravidas Nagar , Maharajganj , Agra , Hamirpur , Hathras , Kanpur Dehat , Mainpuri , Pratapgarh , Fatehpur , Sonbhadra , Jyotiba Phule Nagar , Budaun , Unnao , Etawah , Muzaffarnagar , Mau , Faizabad , Gorakhpur , Kaushambi , Rampur , Mathura , Lalitpur , Pilibhit , Shrawasti , Bijnor , Sultanpur , Sant Kabir Nagar , Varanasi , Banda , Jhansi , Meerut , Chandauli , Gonda , Mahoba , Chitrakoot , Kannauj , Basti , Jaunpur , Bulandshahr , Aligarh ,
Monopoly Franchise of Orville Biotek in Cities
Kerakat , Obra , Gursarai , Kandwa , Chilkana Sultanpur , Unnao , Gosainganj , Rudauli , Chandausi , Modinagar , Jaunpur , Gorakhpur , Chirgaon , Bhogaon , Nagina , Chhata , Zaidpur , Oran , Rampur Bhawanipur , Rly. Settlement Roza , Sirsi , Northern Rly. Colony , Nadigaon , Baberu , Rath , Maholi , Dasna , Chhatari , Rudrapur , Atraulia , Amethi , Khamaria , Jarwal , Barua Sagar , Kul Pahar , Gursahaiganj , Bahuwa , Suriyawan , Raja Ka Rampur , Air Force Area , Kota , Gajraula , Tundla , Gausganj , Radhakund , Mainpuri , Karari , Dibai , Balrampur , Milak , Kalinagar , Azamgarh , Sasni , Kachhwa , Khatauli Rural , Pipraich , Afzalgarh , Sirauli , Siddhaur , Tundla Kham , Gohand , Dadri , Kurthi Jafarpur , Jahangirpur , Kaimganj , Ghorawal , Lucknow , Bisauli , Nawabganj , Muzaffarnagar , Gopamau , Seohara , Jhansi , Sainthal , Shahpur , Kakgaina , Moth , Sherkot , Chak Imam Ali , Farrukhabad-cum-Fatehgarh , Biswan , Azizpur , Purwa , Gyanpur , Kheta Sarai , Sahpau NP , Vrindavan , Gunnaur , Raya , Patala , Khatauli , Farah , Mankapur , Patiyali , Ghughuli , Ledwa Mahua , Dulhipur , Faizabad , Mohammadi , Hargaon , Kampil , Dildarnagar Fatehpur Bazar , Erich , Ganj Muradabad , Babarpur Ajitmal , Mundera Bazar , Belthara Road , Khudaganj , Bajna , Aurangabad , Parasi , Islamnagar , Ganj Dundawara , Rudayan , Bewar , Deoranian , Behta Hajipur , Allahganj , Shahganj , Fariha , Haidergarh , Katra Medniganj , Ghaziabad , Awagarh , Sadabad , Naugawan Sadat , Gangapur , Salempur , Rampur , Bisalpur , Khekada , Sakhanu , Lalganj , Khairabad , Barhalganj , Bhawan Bahadur Nagar , Naraini , Mariahu , Saharanpur , Hapur , Bareilly , Chakeri , Maghar , Achhalda , Antu , Naraura , Bhadohi , Sewarhi , Basti , Varanasi , Nagram , Kosi Kalan , Baheri , Sahawar , Kanth , Hamirpur , Maunath Bhanjan , Parsadepur , Maurawan , Garhmukteshwar , Mohiuddinpur , Kachhla , Khariya , Kunwargaon , Atasu , Chopan , Jaswantnagar , Chitbara Gaon , Bakiabad , Bhinga , Marehra , Laharpur , Gulariya , Bilaspur , Jhusi , Bisharatganj , Siana , Bachhraon , Ambehta , Gokul , Bilsi , Sarai Aquil , Chandpur , Rabupura , Gangoh , Rasra , Mehnagar , Shivdaspur , Thiriya Nizamat Khan , Faridnagar , Kathera , Sitapur , Fatehgarh , Gauri Bazar , Jafarabad , Garhi Pukhta , Siswa Bazar , Jewar , Fatehabad , Vijaigarh , Mirzapur-cum-Vindhyachal , Nainana Jat , Ramkola , Jansath , Fatehpur , Chhibramau , Mohan , Jatari , Atrauli , Chandauli , Sahjanwa , Moradabad , Bilariaganj , Faridpur , Ghazipur , Mukrampur Khema , Babugarh , Sarsawan , Dalmau , Singahi Bhiraura , Tikri , Ashrafpur Kichhauchha , Gola Gokarannath , Bisokhar , Nai Bazar , Bah , Churk Ghurma , Un , Dohrighat , Katghar Lalganj , Bhulepur , Robertsganj , Kakori , Sahatwar , Jyoti Khuria , Etmadpur , Etah , Mohammadabad , Mathura , Kauriaganj , Ghiraur , Madhoganj , Risia Bazar , Aonla , Richha , Jhansi Rly. Settlement , Hariharpur , Bharwari , Soron , Govardhan , Bharuhana , Mohanpur , Gola Bazar , Baghpat , Sikandra , Auraiya , Nandgaon , Mandawar , Jhinjhana , Padrauna , Kithaur , Shivrajpur , Atarra , Bahsuma , Mirganj , Gopiganj , Kurara , Jasrana , Maruadih Rly. Settlement , Bahraich , Mahaban , Anandnagar , Jhusi Kohna , Palia Kalan , Rampura , Tanda , Kairana , Fatehganj Pashchimi , Saurikh , Bijpur , Kandhla , Kharela , Amraudha , Parikshitgarh , Hardoi , Khadda , Purdilnagar , Bhojpur Dharampur , Tulsipur , Jahanabad , Orai , Sewalkhas , Phalauda , Lar , Daurala , Ayodhya , Fatehganj Purvi , Kabrai , Ahraura , Bansi , Bugrasi , Ajhuwa , Pratapgarh City , Bela Pratapgarh , Kasganj , Nautanwa , Bisanda Buzurg , Dhampur , Gulaothi , Kachhauna Patseni , Bilram , Pilibhit , Bhadarsa , Kakod , Tondi Fatehpur , Machhlishahr , Tirwaganj , Sirsaganj , Hathras , Nizamabad , Majhara Pipar Ehatmali , Mau Aima , Khalilabad , Mughalsarai Rly. Settlement , Bhokarhedi , Maudaha , Gularia Bhindara , Amroha , Garautha , Haldaur , Dostpur , Pipri , Rustamnagar Sahaspur , Doghat , Beswan , Akbarpur , Wazirganj , Allahabad , Jiyanpur , Shankargarh , Begumabad Budhana , Bikapur , Sandi , Kishunpur , Patti , Tundla Rly. 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https://www.orvillebiotek.com Videos and Tamil news videos on News18 Tamil. Find Tamil news videos aboutayodhya verdict.Latestayodhya verdictNews Videos on News18 Tamil. Tamil News - Dailythanthi is the Top Tamil News Website delivers Tamil News, Latest Tamil News, Tamil Newspaper updates, Today news in Tamil and much more. The Supreme Court will begin the final daily hearing of the Ayodhya case from today. Tamil News Live: Read today breaking news in tamil, tamil newspaper online, today news in tamil, tamil nadu (TN) news in tamil, chennai news in tamil, chennai rain news in tamil, coimbatore news in tamil & all tn cities news in tamil samayam Latest Ayodhya Verdict News in Tamil: Read all the breaking news headlines, top stories, videos and photos about Ayodhya Verdict at Oneindia Tamil. Ayodhya Judgment tamil news - Get latest and breaking tamil news about Ayodhya Judgment, updated and published at Zee News Tamil. A Canada-based firm and a firm from Delhi are among the three selected to chalk out the blueprint of the master plan for Ayodhya. CP Kukreja Architects along with Canada-based infrastructure ... Chennai, Tamil Nadu Ayodhya Verdict Reactions Highlights: Need to move forward with religious tolerance, says Stalin Ayodhya Ram Mandir-Babri Masjid Verdict Reactions Live Updates: Catch the latest news in Tamil Nadu and Chennai as we bring you live updates on the reactions to the Ram Mandir-Babri Masjid verdict in the State. அயோத்தி வழக்கு அயோத்தி வழக்கில் தீர்ப்பு Ayodhya verdict ayodhya land dispute case ayodhya hearing. Web Title : supreme court to announce ayodhya land dispute case judgement today Tamil News from Samayam Tamil, TIL Network ... Ayodhya tamil news - Get latest and breaking tamil news about Ayodhya, updated and published at Zee News Tamil.
